Welcome! I am a Doctoral Researcher in the Department of Social and Political Sciences at the European University Institute in Florence. My research focuses on the emergence and evolution of political mobilization in 19th and 20th century Europe, examining the role of social, political, and economic institutions—such as political violence, religion, and repression—in shaping these dynamics.
What shapes surveillance in autocratic regimes? Existing theories offer competing expectations: some predict that ideological loyalists engage in more repression, while others emphasize career incentives and strategic signaling by bureaucrats whose loyalty is uncertain. We assemble a novel dataset on provincial prefects in Fascist Italy (1922–45), linking biographies of all 415 prefects to over 28,000 monthly province-level surveillance records. Exploiting variation in prefects’ appointments across provinces, we compare how the same province was monitored by prefects of different partisan types at different times. We find that prefects without credible ideological credentials conducted about 25 per cent more surveillance and that surveillance reduced dismissal risk only for these uncertified bureaucrats. These findings provide rare systematic evidence on authoritarian surveillance and show how career incentives, rather than ideology, can drive coercive behavior.
Research on contemporary riots finds either a backlash against the forces responsible for the riots or an increase in the salience of the issues raised by the rioters. These competing effects are often difficult to unpack. We study the effect of rightwing antisemitic riots in France in the midst of the Dreyfus Affair on the 1898 election. Combining historical municipal-level election data and novel information on the location of the riots, we find two main effects: 1) a backlash against the political forces responsible for the violence (a decline in electoral support for extreme right candidates); and 2) an increase in support for antisemitic candidates on the extreme left. These results suggest that riots against an ethnic minority can have multiple and contrasting effects, mobilizing voters both for and against the perpetrators of the violence, and that these effects need not be driven by media or political party framing.
This paper examines the religious origins of political parties in Great Britain. To that avail, we digitize all 19th century censuses at the most micro level (Parish level). We merge these datasets to all electoral results in the 19th century and to the March 30, 1851, Religious Census. The latter is the only census in UK’s history to tally attendances for every single church and chapel in all of England and Wales. Our results indicate that support for Tories (Whigs) was significantly stronger where the Anglican Church (New Dissent) was stronger. These results are robust to the inclusion of various sociodemographic controls, suggesting that religion had an influence on party support over and above social class or economic interest.